Communications and Media

Overview
Calling journalism Western suggests the practice of journalism itself bases on European-American standards and knowledge, making such concept as non-Western journalism be the exercise of writing, reporting and broadcasting distinct from that in the Western region.

Non-Western journalism, then, would have characteristics exclusive to it, defining and shaping it that there would be noticeable differences from that of the West. Modern practices and principles of journalism, however, would usually have a Western format, making texts and news stories universal, understood by audiences, listeners or readers in multiple mediums, and broadcasted.

It is not only by chance that journalism was also defined and developed in the West. After all, news gathering and transmission from its crude to contemporary forms and techniques have been shaped by emerging technologies throughout history  all invented by Western nations.

Aside from technology, another factor considered to be of greatest influence in journalism being predominantly Western in trait is the English language. De Burgh (2008 372) asserted that Anglophone journalists do not believe that their adherence to traditional journalistic practice is an ideology, but that these rules are what make the essence of journalism. English as a medium of communication, therefore, does play a main role.

Something that might be considered non-Western journalism would thus be any departure made by reporters in a given nationality or culture in the exercise of the profession, whether in news gathering, transmission, sharing or overall impact of stories and reports that are characteristic of that particular culture alone.

This treatment of journalism and news as cultural product would be theoretical and subject to further study, but are loosely based on the Barbie Zelizers contention that journalists have to be studied within their respective cultural contexts (Berkowitz 1997 4 Zelizer, 2004). Ettema and Whitney in Berkowitz also call for an understanding of journalism as a cultural product, that is by looking at relationships between journalistic production processes and the social contexts in which they are enacted (Berkowitz 1997 4).

To facilitate the aim of this paper to present concrete examples of journalism outside the Western hemisphere, scope has to be established. Answering the question, Is there such as thing as non-Western journalism the Southeast Asian region, particularly Singapore and the Philippines, would be main references.
Southeast Asia is an interesting subject of study given its cultural diversity, background and influences. It an emerging region forming the ASEAN alliance which has transformed from olden villages to modernity, affected by global forces of change, particularly Western concepts and principles, but at the same time still being truly Asian by its local adaptations of neighboring regions and cultures while having their own national identities (Owen 2005). Singapore and the Philippines are the member countries with media considerably spoken and produced in English. The language would thus be telling of their Western (particularly American) influences in reviewing their journalistic practice and products.

Singapore
Singapore has experienced economic and political success since the mid-1960s and has been a thriving independent city-state after British colonial rule. The immediate rise to prosperity involved a single party disciplinarian rule dedicated to efficiency, cleanliness and generous social services (Owen 2005 424). In exchange of the high standards of living, personal liberty and free expression suffered under authoritarian rule.

Needless to say, free press is far from developing, with a monopoly ownership in place since the 1980s. Singaporean journalism today is one that conforms to discipline of journalism for development and journalists as government partners (Romano 2005).

Earlier forms of press were competitive and commercial (Kokkeong 2001) in the 1960s to early 1970s, when the Peoples Action Party (PAP) succeeded to state power. The ruling party also enacted a newspaper licensing policy in the name of national security that regulated ownership and content. Such laws were especially against radical leftist views and ethnic chauvinism (2001 83). The publications, written in Malay, English, Mandarin and Tamil were all influenced by the British in terms of character and management. The publications were privately controlled and owned by wealthy families and businesses. Newspapers had to reconcile the PAPs pro-English language stance and favorable political and social approvable of communist China caused dissatisfaction among citizens and intraclass disputes (Kokkeong 2001).

Transition of the press from having a capitalist orientation to that of a public corporation with an increased state influence over the media began, while applying Lees press philosophies of subordination of press freedom to the city-states current needs and purpose of government. Local media were also directed to strengthen cultural values (Kokkeong 2001 77) while the state took on the right to control the flow of foreign information. Journalists with unfavorable comments were either accused of supporting communism and would only be released after an enforced public confessions to crimes of pro-communist conspiracies. The advantage, however, of the governments control mechanisms benefited the publications economically (2001 90).

In the 1980s, Singaporean media was marked by corporate mergers and monopolies leaving only two corporate media groups to dominate the Straits Times Press and the Singapore News and Publication Limited. These two also merged in 1989 to form a single monopoly called Singapore Press Holdings (SPH) with four subsidiary publication groups. The New Paper, first published in 1988, was an evidence of socioeconomic commodification (Kokkeong 2001 93) by avoiding political discussions while targeting young Singaporeans (2001 123). The publication was modeled after English tabloid USA Today.

Mainstream Singaporean journalisms compromising adoption of  a solidly pro-establishment perspective (Fong in Kokkeong 2001) for progress sake could considered a departure from the Western ideal of a free media culture and uncontrolled flow of information. Press organizations general willingness to give up corporate powers for mergers and integrations, though also an orientation of the British media  taking the case of BBC as an example  were of the Singaporean attitude to give constructive accounts of leadership and governance for the objective of unity. Singaporean newsgathering and reporting take on the format of Western practices, but such organizational culture of reiterating the status quo (Lee 2005 16) is a characteristic of journalism in Southeast Asia.

The Philippines
The Philippines arguably has the freest press in Asia, and has survived from periods in recent history with political variability and government-control, especially during the rule of dictator Ferdinand Marcos from 1985 to 1986 during which reports and information against the government were harshly sanctioned (Romano  Bromley 2005 xiii). Insistent journalists, however, managed to skirt around and slip subversive comments and exposs into publication. There continued a love for freedom and independence, taking on the journalistic role of watchdogs adversarial to political figures and critical to policies culminating to the People Power Revolution which forced Marcos to flee from the presidency in 1986 (Severino  Salazar 2007).

Such upheaval triggered by journalism, in fact, was not singular in the archipelagos history. The Propaganda movement led by national heroes Jose Rizal and Marcelo del Pilar during the close of the 19th century produced the publication La Solidaridad calling for reform from Spanish colonial rule. The ideas inspired a secret armed society, the Katipunan, which transpired to the Philippine Revolution that aimed for independence from Spain. This led to the First Philippine Republic with a declaration of independence in 1899 (Diola 2010 Schumacher 2000).

The involvement of the press in struggles for independence in Philippine history can be seen as an influence to other Southeast Asian countries, mirrored in Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos and Burma which had underground publications (Ooi 2004  964). On the other hand, journalistic practices in some neighboring countries such as Singapore concede to compromise with powers-that-be to avoid conflict and work towards a common goal. It is not accurate to say, however, that the press in the Philippines does not share objectives of progress, development and democracy with its government (considered one of the most corrupt in the world).
Reporting and news gathering in the Philippines take on a disinterested approach, many times even critical to politicians and their policies. Coronel says that Filipino journalists guard their freedom and believe in the adversarial role of the press, but this freedom also leads to criticisms of a lax reporting and commercial exploitation (2008 91).

The move towards development journalism in Asia is attributed to have arisen from the Philippines (Abraham, 2008) taking after the belief that journalism should be brought to rural communities to give voice to ordinary people. Empowerment is to get readers to think of solutions to problems of development. The concept, however, was used to justify media subservience to the Suharto government in Indonesia, and was further criticized by Westerners who saw it as fig leaf for authoritarian governments in Asia (2008 9).
The case of development journalism in the Philippines can be an example of specialized journalistic practice not usually applicable in other cultures. Reporting in the Philippines is, however, deemed to be free and vibrant only because of lowsy systems and state supervision (Coronel 2008 91) and have tendencies to excess and corruption. Still, the fact that journalism in the Philippines is accomplished and dutiful under an American-influenced guarantee to free expression in an Asian setting must not be ignored.

Discussion
Looking at the journalism in the Southeast Asian region and zooming into the situation in Singapore and the Philippines, I can perceive two distinct national settings that create and influence their respective presses and publications, and consequently attitudes and views on reporting and newsgathering as well as the role of media practitioners. There exist vibrant non-Western approaches to each of their countries journalism, such as in overall outlook on development and the value of press freedom.

Journalism as a cultural product of these Southeast Asian countries has seen to be influenced by the West, written in English and affected by globalization and colonial rule. Nevertheless, the West itself has been critical of some practices and principles in the Philippines and Singapore that appear to be working for them, after all. It can be said, therefore, that journalists in both countries have pursued a kind of non-Western journalism.